2.3. Morphophonology. The morphophonological processes of harmony and labialization, vowel lengthening, nasal and glide vocalization and coronal sequence reductions, described in this section are all dependent in part on the placement of stress, discussed in §2.1.4. Additional phonological processes in the domain of discourse (§2.3.9) are also dependent on stress placement.
2.3.1. Harmony. Coeur d'Alene has both regressive and progressive processes of vowel harmony; these are fully discussed in Doak 1992.
The vowels [o], [e] and [a] occur preceding uvulars or pharyngeals in derived forms as a result of regressive harmony affecting /u/, /i/, and /e/, respectively:
qʷácqən //√qʷic=qin// 'hat'
spòmal̕qs //s√pum=al̕qs// 'fur coat'
céšalqʷ //√ciš=alqʷ// 'he is tall'
In roots or suffixes that include a postvocalic uvular or pharyngeal, the low vowels also result from regressive harmony; there are no roots (or suffixes, as in the preceding examples) with postvocalic uvulars or pharyngeals occurring with high vowels:
√ʔácqeʔ 'he went outside'
√nòrs 'barley'
stc̕éx̣ʷncut //s‑t√c̕ex̣ʷ‑n‑t‑sut// 'star, spark'
The low vowels [a] and [o] also occur in what I will call harmony roots, with no uvular or pharyngeal following. A sample of this group includes: √t̕ap 'shoot', √másmas 'masmas (a vegetable)', √p̕at̕ 'mush', √noc 'tender'.
[o] [e] [a] occur in stressed suffixes following harmony roots, as a result of progressive harmony affecting suffixal /u/ /i/ /e/:
t̕m̕t̕m̕yòyeʔ //√t̕am̕+CVC=yuyeʔ// 'snail'
t̕apsčént //√t̕ap‑s√čint// 'he shot (people)'
nmasmasátkʷeʔ //hn√masmas=itkʷeʔ// 'water is full of masmas'
2.3.2. Labialization. Labialized segments lose their labialization when adjacent to round vowels:
[činiʔdéxus] //čic‑niʔ√dexʷ=us// 'she fell into the fire'
[kuˑxʷíst] //kʷu xʷist// 'you walked'
Labialization may vocalize preceding a labialized consonant:
[gugʷax̣tíl̕t] //gʷ√gʷax̣‑t=il̕t// 'baby'
An example where both processes occur:
[táx̣ox̣] //tax̣ʷ+x̣ʷ// 'he died'
2.3.3. Vowel length. Long vowels occur within a word when preceding a stressed vowel and being separated from that vowel by a single consonant:
[uɬčiˑc̕él̕əl̕] //uɬ čic√c̕el̕+l̕// 'again she arrived'
2.3.4. Nasal and glide vocalization. /n/ vocalizes to [i] before s:
čismíy̕ems //čn‑s√miy̕im‑s// 'I am his wife'
histíʔ //hn‑s√tiʔ// 'it's mine'
/y y̕ w w̕/ are semivowels, and often vocalize between consonants; the glottalized segments may vocalize in initial position followed by a consonant. Some examples with /y y̕/ vocalized include the following:
nšármiʔqs //hn√šar‑m=y̕qs// 'turkey'
smiscút //s√mey‑st(u)‑sut// 'knowing oneself'
ʔicʔíɬn //y̕c√ʔiɬn// 'he's eating'
Vowels resulting from nasal or glide vocalization are never stressed.
2.3.5. Coronal sequence reduction. Where two coronal segments meet at a morpheme boundary, the first will drop out. The rule varies with the segments that meet, but it regularly applies only to affixes, or to the final segments of a small class of roots that Reichard identifies as irregular (1938:551ff); in general, roots are very stable.
The coronals [t] and [c] are most vulnerable: they are lost before all other coronals and before /y/. However, exceptions occur in some suffix sequences involving /t/ and /s/; for example the transitive morpheme sequence //‑t‑∅‑s// merges to [c] rather than reducing to [s]. In other constructions t and s retain their identities. The nasal [n] is lost before the coronals [s ɬ] and before the nasals [m n̕]; [ɬ] is lost before the coronals [s č] and before [y]; [l] is lost before [s]. And, finally, suffixal [s] is lost before [ɬ]. Examples of these processes are presented by Reichard (1938:547‑ 550).
2.3.6. Glottalization. Where a glottal stop follows a nasal or glide, the segments merge to form a glottalized consonant; for example, /n + ʔ/ become [n̕]. When the lateral spirant [ɬ] merges with the following glottal stop, it becomes the glottalized resonant [l̕].
čn ul̕ichígʷnt //čn uɬ ʔic √higʷnt// 'I'm yawning again'
2.3.7. /s/ palatalization. The sequence /s‑ʔ/ at a morpheme boundary will result in [y̕]:
y̕íɬn //s√ʔiɬn// 'eating'
2.3.8. /h/ loss. Morpheme initial /h/ is frequently omitted in word‑initial position before a consonant, or in compounds:
híčeʔ 'where'
meˑl̕íčeʔ //mel̕‑hičeʔ// 'from where'
ku nx̣amínč //kʷu hn‑x̣aminč// 'I love you'
2.3.9. Discourse‑level phonology. In conversation and storytelling, several phonological processes are used for stylistic variation.
2.3.9.1. Truncation. In informal speech, many words may be truncated following the stressed vowel:
nq̕ʷq̕ʷosmí //hn‑q̕ʷ√q̕ʷos‑m=ičn̕=šin// 'dog'
2.3.9.2. Exaggeration. Stressed vowels, including those of truncated words, may be extended for a variable amount of time depending on context to indicate extended duration or exaggeration. The pitch of the vowel is often raised: c̕áˑˑˑw̕ncut xʷiʔe Potty 'Potty kept washing himself'.
A final vowel may be added to a stem for the purpose of adding extended vowel length; in the following example, the stem‑final ‑eʔ of k̕ʷneʔ 'soon' is replaced with ‑í: u k̕ʷeníˑˑ ɬ čicxʷúy ... 'afterwards she came ...'.
In forms without final ‑eʔ, ‑í is simply appended to the word: ɬa ɬáʔx̣ʷes e t̕ək̕ʷíˑˑ 'the next day, he was lying down ...'.
2.3.9.3. Stylistic pharyngealization. Vowels are pharyngealized to add an element of the incredible:
šəšt̕òt //še+√šet̕‑ut// 'Rock (character)'
ʔacʔáyɬn //y̕c√ʔiɬn// 'he was really eating!'
oɬ k̕ʷòl̕ntm // ɬ √k̕ʷul̕‑n‑t‑m// '... and they built it (in only five days!)'
Grammatical sketch
Adapted from the first two chapters of Coeur d'Alene Grammatical Relations by Ivy Doak, 1997
Overview
Phonology
Morphology
Morphophonology
Morphosyntax
Syntax