2.2.  Morphology.  In this analysis, the root is assumed to be the basic unit of word formation.  To the root are attached first the derivational affixes and valency changing affixes (§2.2.2), resulting a stem.  To this stem are added the pronominal affixes and other inflectional affixes and clitics (§2.2.3) to form a complete predicative word. 


2.2.1.  Roots.  Each Coeur d'Alene word or predicate is based on a root (indicated here by √) with one of six basic consonant and vowel sequences: √CVC, √CVCC, √CVCCC, √CCVC, √CVCVC, and √CVCCVC.  The √CVC root shape is most common.  Examples of the various roots shapes include the following:

√CVC      √ʔem 'sit', √peq  'white', √mus 'four', √lexʷ  'be hurt', √č̕es 'bad', √qigʷ 'dig roots'

√CVCC     √ʔoqʷs 'drink', √mil̕xʷ 'tobacco', √qiʔxʷ  'odor'; √k̕ʷinš  'how many?'

√CVCCC    √qiltč  'inland; body', √pintč  'year'

√CCVC     √p̕saqʷ  'crack', √dlim 'gallop', √gʷnixʷ  'be true'

√CVCVC    √ʔekʷun 'say', √ʔenis 'go', √ʔesil 'two', √pulut  'kill'

√CVCCVC   √ʔacq  'go out', √pesteʔ 'half', √t̕išs  'sneeze', √čenšit  'help', √čiʔɬes 'three'. General comments.  The following generalizations hold for Coeur d'Alene roots:      


Stability:  Roots are very stable.  That is, the morphophonological processes (§2.3) that apply to clitics and affixes in most cases do not affect roots.  However, roots with some of the more complex shapes may be affected by rules of coronal sequence reductions when root final coronal segments are joined with coronal-initial suffixes (§2.3.5).

Restrictions: /r/ and /r̕/ are limited to C2 position of roots.  Noncoronal pharyngeals are also restricted to use in roots only, but these may serve as initial consonants or as C2.  Also, roots beginning with /š/ do not occur with voiceless velars or uvulars in C2.  There are, no doubt, other restrictions on root construction.  For example, only one Coeur d'Alene root has [w̕] in initial position:  √w̕et 'be just outside door'.

Reichard's 1939 root list, though it contains errors, is remarkably complete.   Few root have since been observed that are not included in that list.  Ablaut.  Reichard 1945 discusses the possibilities of sound symbolism in Coeur d'Alene root composition.  The data she presents support her theory of root vowel changes determining whether the "primary meaning ... indicates that a thing has quality or is in a given condition automatically or without an outside force or agent" or whether it means "the subject has been made or caused to act or to assume a condition by an outside agent" (1945:49).  These include the root pairs √t̕iš 'be sweet' and √t̕eš 'be inherently sweet'; and √q̕ʷed 'be black' and √q̕ʷid 'make black'.  Kinkade (1988:445‑446) describes an ablaut pattern in Proto‑Salish that would account for these data as 'active' vs. 'stative' forms.

The ablaut data Reichard presents are interesting, but all must be verified.  For example, Reichard gives the forms √tegʷ 'buy' and √tagʷ 'sell'.  However, the root from which both are derived is √tigʷ 'buy, sell' (which, incidentally, is not included in Reichard's stem list): the form [tagʷ] is analyzable as a harmony variant of the root (see §2.3.1), and [tegʷ] is the unstressed (nonharmony) variant (see §2.1.4).  The differences in meaning are not dependent on the vowel shape, but on the structure of the predicate and discourse context.
stígʷn                                                   'Merchandise.'   N75b.90
tew̕stegʷmíncutminc xʷe ʔe tíku          'He went to sell it at Tekoa.'   9.10
tágʷalqs                                               'He bought clothing.' N75a.257I
tagʷálpqʷ                                             'He bought food.'     N75a.257I


     The examples Reichard provides in her discussion of ablaut do not indicate whether the forms are stressed or unstressed, whether they occur in harmony environments, or whether they occur with, for example, causative or resultative morphology.  In only a few cases does Reichard indicate, for example, whether a form is used in a transitive, intransitive, stative, or inchoative construction, all of which may affect meaning if not vowel quality.  All possible ablaut forms must be verified in order to determine whether the root pairs are phonologically predictable variants of single morphemes.


2.2.2.  Affixes.  Coeur d'Alene has three types of affixes:  Lexical affixes may have locative or nominal (things, body parts) meanings, which are often metaphorically extended; derivational affixes include grammatical elements, transitive and applicative markers, and directionals and locatives; and inflectional affixes are used for indicating person, number, and aspect.  Lexical affixes.  There are six lexical prefixes and over eighty lexical suffixes.  The functions of the lexical suffixes are discussed fully in Doak 1997.  Lexical prefixes.  The lexical prefixes are sye 'professional'; hii‑ 'that which, one who'; č̕it‑ 'offspring'; nukʷ 'companion'; pen̕ 'spouse'; and y̕e 'horse, colt'.  These precede locative prefixes or attach directly to roots.  Lexical suffixes.  Lexical suffixes may attach to bare roots, or may follow a small class of grammatical suffixes or other lexical suffixes.  Lexically suffixed forms may be nominalized or transitivized.  Here, lexical suffixes are indicated with an equals sign.  Reichard 1938 lists over eighty lexical suffixes, with examples of their use.  

The meaning of a lexical suffix may be very specific, such as =ilmxʷ  'person'.  Or, a single form may be metaphorically extended.  The suffix =us, for example, has a basic meaning of 'eye', which is extended to 'face', and then to 'fire'; in combination with the suffix =šin 'foot', it refers to the toe.  Similar extension occurs with =cin 'mouth', which is also used to refer to language; something's edge (with =ičt 'hand' it refers to the wrist); or shore.

A few examples of words that include one or more lexical suffixes show their variety and the pervasiveness of their use:  hn√tal̕q=úps‑n  ,  (loc/kick=rear‑3obj.1sbj)  'I kicked him in the butt' (cp: √tál̕q‑n  'I kicked him') ,  √níč̕=kʷup  (/cut=wood)  'he cut some wood',    hn‑xʷ√xʷát‑p=alqs     (loc‑intns/end‑invl=road  )  'the end of the road',  √k̕ʷax̣=qin=čt‑s hn√saq̕=iw̕es‑ɬtm       (/claw=head=hand‑3G loc/split=between‑3obj.3nte.applic)  'his claw got caught in between',       √c̕ek̕ʷ=áp=aw̕as=qən‑c   (/poke=bottom=between=head‑3obj.3sbj)  'he propped it (the jaws) open'.  Other affixes.  Aside from suppletion (§2.4), all Coeur d'Alene derivation and inflection is done via affixes or clitics (§2.2.3) and reduplication (§2.2.4).  A partial list of common affixes, by type and function, is presented here.  Prefixes.
Locative and directional prefixes:  uɬ  'again',  hn‑  'in, on',  t‑  'on,  čet‑ 'on',  čs‑  'from, behind',  cen‑ 'under',  niʔ 'amidst',  mel̕‑ 'from, near',  čic‑ 'toward here',  te 'toward there'
Derivational prefixes:  s‑   'nominalizer',  s‑   'intentional',  tuʔs‑ 'mutative'
Inflectional prefixes:  ʔec‑ 'customary or stative',  y̕c‑ 'continuative',  hn‑  'first person genitive',  in‑  'second person genitive'  Suffixes.
Directional suffixes:  ‑ut  'at point or place',  ‑iš  'developmental; to a point or place'  
Intransitive suffixes:  ‑t   'resultive or stative',  ‑m   'agent/middle/antipassive',  ‑š   (with y̕c‑ and ‑m),  'continuative agent',  ‑p   'involuntary/inchoative'
Derivational suffixes:   ‑min‑  'relational',  ‑nún‑ 'noncontrol',  ‑st(u)  'causative transitive',  ‑t‑  'transitive',  ‑n‑  'directive',  ɬ  'possessor applicative',  ‑ši‑ 'benefactive applicative',  ‑túɬ dative ',  ‑n  'nominalizer '
Inflectional suffixes:  š   'imperative',  ‑ul  'plural imperative',  ‑sut  'reflexive',  ‑wiš  'reciprocal',  ‑ilš  'third person plural',  ‑m/‑t 'nontopic ergative',  ‑s   'third person genitive; third person ergative',  ‑et  'first person plural genitive',  ‑mp  'second person plural genitive',  ‑n 'first person singular transitive subject',  ‑xʷ  'second person singular transitive subject',  ‑(me)t  'first person plural transitive subject',  ‑p   'second person plural transitive subject',  ‑se(l)‑/‑me(l)‑ 'first person singular object',  ‑si‑/‑mi‑ 'second person singular object',  ‑eli‑ 'first person plural object',  ‑ulmi‑ 'second person plural object '  Infix.  Coeur d'Alene has one (nonreduplicative) infix, ‑ʔ‑ inchoative, which occurs following the root vowel:   ʔp  'it became dry',  kʷu míʔɬ   'you became rested; you were healed',  čn páʔ  'I became wise (on it)',  ʔš  'it became warm'.  Rules for the use of ‑ʔ‑ vs. ‑p to mark inchoative are not clear.


2.2.3.  Proclitics.  The proclitics precede prefixes, but still interact phonologically with them; those not representing persons occur before the subject markers:  u   'inherent ',  u   'immediate',  č  'future',  ul  'belonging to',   čn   'first person intransitive subject',  č  'first person plural intransitive subject',  kʷu  'second person intransitive subject',  kʷup  'second person plural intransitive subject'.


2.2.4.  Reduplication.  There are four distinct reduplicative patterns in Coeur d'Alene:  C1+ reduplication marks the diminutive, and is accompanied by sonorant glottalization and often stress shift; C1V+ reduplication marks the intensive, which indicates various types of increase; +C2 reduplication marks a noncontrol/resultive.  C1VC2 reduplication has very general augmentative or distributive meaning.  All reduplication types in Coeur d'Alene copy root segments only.  Diminutive: C1+ reduplication.  Forms with C1+ reduplication indicate the diminutive.  C1+ reduplication may occur alone, with glottalization of resonants, and with stress shift. Excrescent schwa may occur between the reduplicated element and the root, assimilating to local features of place and labialization.  Root‑initial glides may vocalize.
√cétxʷ             'house'                 c√cétxʷ                   'house, cottage'
s√q̕ʷúc‑t         'fat'                      q̕ʷ√q̕ʷúc‑t               'little fat child'
s√ʕec‑m          'tie'                       ʕa√ʕec‑m̕ín̕‑n         'trap'
√wárč              'frog'                    ʔu√w̕ár̕č=us            'little frog face'
√pulú(t)‑stu‑s  'he killed her'     pu√púl̕u(t)‑ɬ‑t‑m‑il̕š   'she (sister) was killed for them'  Noncontrol/resultive: +C2 reduplication.  Coeur d'Alene +C2 reduplication copies the second consonant of a root immediately following C2; if a vowel occurs preceding the reduplicated segment, it can be considered an excrescent segment subject to local assimilation.    Examples: √pen̕+n̕   'It has become bent',  čn √ték̕ʷ+k̕ʷ  'I fell down' (čn √ték̕ʷ‑m  'I put something down'),  čn √gʷíč+č  'I managed to see', √péɬ+ɬ‑t  'It is thick', √péɬ+ɬ‑m  'It became thick',  √p+ɬ‑nún‑n  'I made it thick'.  Intensive: C1V+ reduplication.  There are few examples of this type of reduplication, which may be a variant of the diminutive.  Reichard mentions it in reference to demonstratives only (1938:656.701 and 705).  It implies an intensified condition.  Examples:  šá√šagʷ‑t    (C1V+/sharp‑stat)  'It is sharp',   še√šet̕‑út    (C1V+/rock‑place)  'Cliff',  n√c̕íp̕‑s‑m   'He napped',  n‑c̕í√c̕ep̕‑s‑m   (loc‑C1V+/close=eye‑loc )  'He closed his eyes'.  Augmentative: C1VC2 reduplication.   The prefixal augmentative C1VC2+ stress pattern, with stress retained on the root, is the rarer form in Coeur d'Alene.  The suffixal +C1VC2 reduplicative stress pattern, again with stress maintained on the root, is very frequent in Coeur d'Alene and has general augmentative semantics, including distributive, plural, and characteristic.  No difference in meaning has been discernable between the two patterns.  Examples:   q̕ʷəd√q̕ʷéd (ha st̕m̕áltmš)   'buffalo',  xʷəp√xʷép=šn  'bulldozers',  t‑cəqʷ√céqʷst   'they're red hot on the surface',  ʔe√šét+šət‑st‑ulmi‑s  'he teases you folks',  √č̕íʔ̕iʔ=mn  'horns'.


Grammatical sketch

Adapted from the first two chapters of Coeur d'Alene Grammatical Relations by Ivy Doak, 1997





Ivy Doak
Timothy Montler